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By John Clark

This totally revised 3rd version integrates up to date references, new findings, and smooth theories, to provide readers with the main thorough and whole advent to phonetics and phonology. quite thorough, together with unique recognition to articulatory and acoustic phonetics in addition to to the rules of phonological research incorporates a variety of precious alterations, incorporating new fabric at the most up-to-date findings in speech construction experiences; better assurance of prosody, together with an important part on autosegmental metrical types; accelerated assurance of phonology, together with Optimality idea; and sections on L1 and L2 acquisition, and sociolectal version Integrates new findings, theories references all through, providing scholars the main thorough and whole wisdom of the topic so far contains a hundred twenty five figures all through

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Haegeman 1995: 4) The c-command requirement on polarity items predicts the ungrammaticality of sentences like “*I saw anyone” (Haegeman 1995: 70) which is ungrammatical because the negative polarity item anyone does not have a licenser (Progovac 1994: 35). Any must Agree, in Roberts and Roussou’s (2003) terminology, with a downward-entailing operator, such as negation, as in I didn’t see anyone. “Any requires an operator to license it, one of the possible licensors being clausal negation” (2003: 143).

It is proposed that PIs are licensed by a ccommanding negative or interrogative element. With respect to negation, the focus of this study, and from a semantic point of view, NC creates a problem: why would more than one occurrence of negative elements in a single clause be interpreted as a single negation? The answer might have to do with the nature of n-words themselves. The question arises as to whether constituents such as nothing, or none are negative quantifiers, elements that can convey the negative sense independently of other negative elements in the clause, or whether they are negative polarity items, elements that do depend on other negative elements within the clause to license them.

Iyeiri (2001), in fact, states that the decline of multiple negation was triggered by the rise in use of non-assertive forms: “Namely, never, no, etc. gradually come to be replaced by their corresponding non-assertive forms, which ultimately contributes to the decline of multiple negation” (2001: 153). In a recent paper, Iyeiri (2002) investigates the relationship between the development of non-assertive any in negative contexts and the decline of multiple negation. She suggests that the use of any in negation only developed in LME: “Negation is one of the most typical circumstances where non-assertive any is employed.

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